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what are the variations of english language in multilingual society such as Pakistan. asking dilshad nikyalvi . thhandi baanvi sayyedan

Urdu-English Code-Switching: The Use of Urdu Phrases and Clauses In Pakistani English (A Non-native Variety)
Candidate
DILSHAD HUSSAIN SHAH NIKYALVI THHANDI BAAN SAYYEDAN CELL.NO.03435258392
M.A ENGLISH

Abstract

This paper presents an analysis of Urdu-English code-switching in Pakistani English. However, data has been analysed only at the phrase and clause level. Based on the empirical data from Pakistani English newspapers and magazines, this paper aims to show that code-switching is not a grammarless phenomenon rather it is ruled governed activity at the phrase and clause level. It also presents the brief overview of the use of English as a non-native variety. This paper suggests that variations and changes in a language are an integral part of bilingualism and multilingualism. All the present data shows that the occurrences of various Urdu phrases and clauses impose no ungrammatical effect on the construction of English syntax.

Key words: Bilingualism, code-switching, non-native varieties of English

Introduction

This paper centres on the variations in the English language due to Urdu-English code-switching in Pakistan and also shows the significant role of the Urdu language in the formation of Pakistani English. Only those syntactic features that are found as a result of code-switching have been discussed. Mahboob (2003) described different phonological and grammatical aspects of Pakistani English, which are quite different from Standard British English. But in this paper, only that data has been taken into account where Urdu phrases and clauses have been used. This paper is interested in describing different aspects of language change in English when used in a non-native context i.e. Pakistan. First and foremost, ‘a great deal of interest has been generated in the English language as a result of its spread around the world and its use as an international language (Cheshire 1991:7).

Now-a-days English has become a global language. According to Bamgbose, (2001:357) English is recognised as the dominating language in the world as globalisation comes to be universally accepted in political and academic discourse. The development of ‘globalisation’ has been associated with the dominance of the English language (Bottery 2000:6). English is used all over the world by millions of native and non-native speakers because of its dominant position. According to Crystal (2003:65), there are approximately 430 million L2 users and 330 million L1 users. So the non-native speakers use English more than the natives ones. However, these figures exclude learners of English, and Crystal suggests there may be as many as one billion of them. Being an international language, it is used almost in all the countries of the world. When people started using English in non-native contexts because of its growing popularity, it developed as a transplanted language. According to Kachru (1986:30):

‘A language may be considered transplanted if it is used by a significant numbers of speakers in social, cultural and geographical contexts different from the contexts in which it was originally used………..a transplanted language is cut off from its traditional roots and begins to function in new surroundings, in new roles and new contexts’.

Non-native Varieties of English

Kachru (1978) was among the first to identify and delineate boundaries of a nativized variety of English in South Asia, which he terms as South Asian English (SAE). Kachru (1996) regarded SAE as an additional linguistic arm in the culture of identity. He believes that ‘nativization must be seen as the result of those productive linguistic innovations which are determined by the localized function of a second language variety, the culture of conversation and commutative strategies in new situations and transfer from local languages’ (Kachru 1986: 21-2). With this development, there was a gradual recognition and acknowledgement of the new and non-native varieties of English, e.g. Nigerian English, Indian English, Chicano English, Pakistani English, Singaporean English, Sri Lankan English etc. The term ‘New varieties’ of English’ implies that there are more or less recognizable varieties of spoken and/or written by groups of people’. (Platt et al. 1984:2) A new variety does not develop in isolation but it depends on the communicative needs of those who speak and write it. Such a variety is considered an interference variety because there is a clear linguistic and cultural interference from the first language and culture of the users.

When a language is used in a different cultural context and social situation, several changes take place in its phonology, morphology, lexicon and syntax. A language so widely used has its own grammatical and linguistic system through which it conveys its distinction of meanings. These linguistic characteristics are usually transparent in its sound system, vocabulary and sentence construction. The non-native speakers develop a whole new range of expression to fulfil the communicative needs. Since the user of the non-native variety is bilingual, creativity is manifested in different kinds of mixing, switching, alteration and transcreation of codes. When two languages come in contact, it results in “inventiveness”. Bilingualism in itself is a source of creativity in language (Talaat 2003). Such varieties are so widespread and have such a long standing ‘that they may be thought stable and adequate enough to be regarded as varieties of English in their own right rather than stages on the way to a more native-like English’ (Quirk 1983:8)

Urdu-English code-switching and Pakistani English

English enjoys a very prestigious status in Pakistan. Its prevalence and power in Pakistan is growing very much. For many Pakistanis, English has become not only a “practical necessity”, but also “the language of opportunity, social prestige, power, success as well as social superiority”. Kachru (1997:227) pointed at the ‘ideological, cultural and elitist power of English’. Such power is vividly seen in Pakistan where people tend to switch from Urdu to English to create special effect. Urdu is the national language of Pakistan and one of the two official languages of Pakistan (the other official language being English). It is the most important language of literacy in the country. In the hierarchy of linguistic prestige, Urdu is placed lower only than English. In Pakistan, Urdu-English code-switching is a common characteristic of educated Pakistani bilinguals. Code-switching occurs when two languages come in contact: ‘the alternation of two languages within a single discourse, sentence or constituent’ (Poplack 1980:581). This sociolinguistic phenomenon makes a great contribution in the creation of new and non-native varieties of English. When two languages come into contact, not only the phonological features but lexical items and syntactic patterns also manage to filter across from one language to another. English is used in Pakistan in a non-native context. Different changes can be observed in its phonology, vocabulary, and grammar and now it is recognized as a distinct variety of English i.e. Pakistani English. Non-native varieties of English are an important aspect of language change and these varieties have emerged because of code-switching and code-mixing. According to Trudgill (1986: 1), ‘the languages that are in contact with each other socially may become changed linguistically, as a result of being in contact psychologically, in the competence of individual speaker’.

Pakistani English has assumed a linguistic and cultural identity of its own. This identity manifests itself throughout the language at the word level, the phrase level and the sentence level. It is the natural consequence of its regular contact with the Urdu language. A large number of borrowings from Urdu and the regional languages of Pakistan have entered in Pakistani English (Baumgardner 1993). Certain lexical items may show a shift from their original Standard British English usage to Urduized meaning (Talaat 1993). In comparison with the borrowing in syntax and morphology, lexical items have the highest ease of borrowing and seem most likely to occur (Brutt-Griffler, 2002; Romaine, 1995). Such a vocabulary items in all the new varieties of English are largely drawn from the areas that are significantly different to the geo-social-cultural context of British English (Fernado 2003). As, no reliable study on Urdu-English code-switching at the level of the phrase and clause is available, this paper is likely to bridge the gap. The code-switching data in this paper focuses on the use of Urdu phrases and clauses in the English language and shows that its occurrence imposes no ungrammatical effect on the structure of English syntax. The data has been collected from the following printed Pakistani English newspaper and magazines:

Dawn (daily) (Lahore)
Herald (monthly) (Karachi)
3. Mag (weekly) (Karachi)

In this paper, code-switching is divided into two categories. They are inter-sentential switching, that is switching from one language to another at a sentence boundary, and intra-sentential code-switching, or code-mixing when the switch takes place within one sentence. In the following section, we will analyse the intra-sentential code-switching in Pakistani English at the level of phrase.

Phrasal insertions

A phrase is a group of words, which does not carry a complete sense. Formally a phrase is defined as a syntactic structure that has syntactic properties derived from its head (Mahajan 2001). Basic phrase structure is a universal feature of all human languages. The Urdu language is not different from English as far as the structure of phrase is concerned. There are a fair number of Urdu multi-word switches in this section that are either two word or three word phrases occurring in the English clause or sentence. The purpose is to introduce the position of various Urdu phrases inserted in English syntax. Some researchers suggest that switches that are larger than one word are "true code-switches" but one-word switches are borrowings. However, it is not within the goals of this paper to distinguish code-switches from borrowings. In this section, we will analyze the occurrence of various NPs, Adj Ps and PPs in the English sentences. Since phrase insertion is always a complex kind of switching, it demands a high degree of proficiency and accuracy from the bilinguals involved in code-switching.

Noun phrase

A noun phrase is a word or group of words, which acts as the subject, complement or object of a clause, or as the object of a preposition. A noun phrase always has an obligatory head noun and optional modifier and qualifier.
H (q)
For example in the Urdu phrase ‘ mera bhai apaney dostoon key saath’, (my brother with his friends) mera is the modifier of the head noun ‘bhai’ while Urdu postpositional phrase ‘dostoon key saath’ is qualifying the head noun.

The structure of Urdu noun phrases used in Pakistani English is very diverse. Here are some examples of the use of the Urdu noun phrases occurring as the subject of the English verbs:

A poor hari (the farmer) can be sent to the gallows even on the mild accusation of a crime leveled against him by a noble. (March 27, 2007 D)
An honorable sardar or wadera (the landlord or chief) can walk free even after proven record of the most heinous kinds of against crimes him. (March 27, 2007 D)
They alleged that the naib nazim (the vice municipal officer) was receiving threats to force him to part ways with the PPP-backed Awam Dost panel. (March 04, 2007 D)

In the first two examples, the English adjectives are modifying the English nouns in a noun phrase while in the third example both the adjective and noun are from the Urdu language. All the noun phrases have the English determiners ‘a’, ‘an’ and ‘the’ respectively in the beginning of the sentences.

Urdu noun phrase as an apposition of another noun

It is very interesting to note the use of an Urdu noun phrase as apposition in Pakistani English. ‘Apposition’ means the placing of a noun group after a noun or pronoun in order to identify something or someone or give more information about them. In the following example, we can see the use of an Urdu noun phrase as an apposition of another noun. Here the Urdu noun phrase is giving information about the proper noun ‘Haji Ramzan’.

Five militants who tried to kidnap tehsil municipal officer Hameedullah on October 8 were forced to give up their hostage after Haji Ramzan, the tehsil naib nazim (the city vice municipal officer), and his men confronted them on the main Tank-Jandola road. (November 2006 H)

Urdu phrase introduced by an English adverb:

In the examples below, the English relative adverb “as” introduces the Urdu stretches of words embedded in English. This type of switching is very rare and demands high proficiency.

Amjad considered her as ustad se ziyada dost (friend rather than teacher). (January 22, 2006 D)
And an old friend of hers, a female writer, was so infuriated on being referred to as a ‘Cycle wali larki’ (female cyclist) that she broke relations with her for good. (March 25, 2007 D)

According to one of them, they were not shunned by the public as lula, langra and apahaj (lame and paralyzed). (December 04, 2005 D)

What was sworn upon yesterday as guiding principle will be chucked at the altar of expediency tomorrow as mere siyasi bayan (political statement). (January 22, 2006 D)

Genitive phrases

In Urdu, genitives are indicated with ka/ke/ke as a morph-word. The choice of these words depends on gender, number and case ending of the head noun. However, the English word ‘of’ is equivalent to all these. The genitive or possessive form of Urdu noun takes different positions in English syntax and imposes no ungrammatical effect in the construction. In the following examples, the Urdu noun phrases are used as the complement of an English verb of incomplete predication and occurring at the end of the sentence. The Urdu noun phrase begins with the English determiner ‘an’ in the first example.

Atif Amin feels "it's true that to some extend visiting therapists is an ameeron ka nakhra. (arrogance of the rich) (July 31, 2005 D)
The colloquial phrase used for this punishment was kala ki saza. (severe punishment) (July 24, 2005 D)

In some cases the Urdu noun phrase is used as the subject of the English syntax. In example 2 the Urdu noun phrase begins with English determiner ‘the’.


1."Logon ki samajh" (understanding of the people) is all he has to say about the society's attitude towards dance. (January 12, 2006 D)
The Islamabad ka muqadas darakht (Holy tree of Islamabad) revolved around a popular Banyan tree that stood in sector E-7 but was a few months back burned down. (May 21, 2006 D)
Promptly can the reply from Fateh Muhammad Mailk, who argued that kufar ka fatwa (Infidelity claim) is nothing new with us. (May 21, 2006 D)
Sometimes, the Urdu noun phrases are also inserted in the middle of the English syntax. In the following examples, we can see the use of the Urdu noun phrases as the complement of an English verb.

Publications have just become catalogues and designers have become shadi ka jora mills (Wedding cloth house), not aiming to produce ethereal pieces any more.(September 25, 2005 D)
Rohit also revived the age-old warak ka kaam (work of silver gold leaf) once used for mughal royalty. (January 22, 2005 D)
Naturally they bathed themselves properly after every hug as the grandma had a smell of sarson ka tel (mustard’oil) and desi soap all over here. (July 31, 2005 D)
I am thrilled to see a lovely jurao ka set (precious Ornament) that President Ayub Khan presented her when she visited Pakistan in the 1960s. (March 25, 2007)
In the example 3 the double genitive has been used with English mixed in a noun phrase.

Adjective Phrase

A word or a group of words that does the work of an adjective is called an adjective phrase. Adjective phrases are usually formed from an intensifier that is optional, followed by the head (H) that is often an adjective In Pakistani English, Urdu adjective phrases may occur as a predicate adjective or inside the noun phrase. In the examples below, an Urdu adjective phrase has been inserted in the English sentence.

He is called sher ka bacha (bashful, brave) and mard ka bacha (high minded). (January 08, 06 D)

In the above example, Urdu evaluative metaphors that reflect Pakistani social customs, localized attitude and behavior have been used in English syntax. In a typical Pakistani context, a person having great courage and with a keen sense of honor is termed as ‘sher ka bacha’ (lion’s child).

In the following example the English intensifier ‘very’ has been used with an Urdu adjective. This kind of code-switching is very rare.

Their response, ‘ I think you are right madam,’ said a young man, city life and modern education makes men very beghairat (dishonorable) (November 2006 H)

In the examples given below, the Urdu adjective phrases are modifying the English nouns in the noun phrases.

It was a taiz raftar (very speedy) bus and I merely sat on it as well. (February 26, 2005 D)
The 60-minutes interview was largely spent in advocate Bukhari name dropping, saying he grew up with the lordships of the Superior Court and what payare insaan (lovely men) they are. (March 18, 2007 D)

Example 4 reflects a very complex kind of code-switching. The Urdu stretch of words has been introduced by the English word ‘what’, but actually it is giving the emphasis on the Urdu adjective ‘payare’. The use of ‘what’ has changed the syntactic structure and it seems that it has been used to focus on ‘payare insaan’. The introduction of ‘what’ has changed the word order of the sentence.

One important thing worthwhile to mention here is that it seems harder to break up a relative clause/phrase than other types of subordination. It is quite problematic to have a relative pronoun from one language and the rest of the clause in the other. The code-switching data reported from other language pairs also show that switching between the relative pronoun and the clause that it introduces is rare. (Nortier 1990)

Mostly, the English adjectives are necessarily uninflected. They undergo no morphological changes with the variations in the nouns they qualify. However, in Pakistani English, Urdu adjectives, sometimes, may be inflected according to the rules of Urdu grammar because of number and gender as in the above example. For example: Payara (lovely) is an inflected adjective e.g. Payara larka (lovely boy), Payari larki (lovely girl), Payare insaan (lovely people).


Prepositional phrase


Urdu has a postposition instead of English preposition, which differs in the way that it precedes objects. A collective term used for both preposition and postposition is adposition. In typical Urdu adposition phrases, adposition comes at the end. An Urdu postposition phrase is syntactically inserted in English syntax in the following example:

Both of them unhurt "Khuda key fazal sey" (By the grace of God) while Shazia became paraplegic. (January 08, 2006 D)

It is very interesting to note that the Urdu postposition phrase occurs at the same position where its English equivalent could have been.

Verbal phrase

A verb phrase is a word or a group of words that does not have a subject and a predicate of its own and does the work of a verb. In Urdu language, auxiliaries occur after the main verb in contrast with English where auxiliaries occur before the main verb. Urdu verb phrases occur very rarely in Pakistani English because they have to undergo a complex morphological change as compared to noun phrases. However, sometimes an Urdu verbal phrase is also inserted in English syntax. Here is an example of the use of an Urdu verb phrase:


My colleagues kept worrying that piracy ho rahi hay (is going on) we should stop it; I kept saying, "hooney do". (let it be) (September 11, 2005 D)

ho rahi hai

main verb Progressive form auxiliary

The above-mentioned data and examples suggest that Urdu phrases are frequently used in Pakistani English and its occurrences at various positions in a sentence seem to be quite appropriate. Urdu phrases obey the rules of English grammar everywhere in the sentences. After analyzing intra-sentential code-switching at the level of phrase, now we want to turn to inter-sentential code-switching in Pakistani English. The next section begins with ‘inter-clausal code switching’.


Inter-clausal code-switching:

As mentioned earlier, code-switching occurring at the sentence level is called inter-sentential code-switching. The term “inter-clausal code-switching” is used to refer to switches occurring at the clause boundaries. In the present data, switched Urdu clauses can include a coordinated clause, a subordinate clause or a clause/phrase introduced by an English adverb. Urdu clauses that are coordinated with an English clause through the use of coordinating conjunction are classified as coordinated clauses. Urdu subordinate clauses are also used with main English clause. We can find the English subordinate clause with Urdu main clause as well. Mostly, an English subordinate clause gives a warning or advice about the consequences of an action or attitude. It is relatively common in Pakistani English that Urdu proverbs and maxims occur at the periphery of an English clause. There are also switched Urdu full clauses that are syntactically independent of the preceding English clause, although there is still thematic coherence in terms of their reference and actions. The data exemplified in the following sections will reveal how different types of Urdu clauses are used in Pakistani English.

Co-ordinated Clauses:

In Pakistani English, co-ordinated clauses are joined by English as well as Urdu conjunctions. However Urdu conjunctions do not occur quite frequently. A conjunction that often conjoins the English clauses to the Urdu adjacent clauses is “and”. Here is an example of the use of the English coordinating conjunction:

Why don’t we all go together to New Delhi? N1 ki shaddi ki shopping bhi ho jaye gi (There will be shopping of N1’s wedding) and we can have much fun. (June 20, 2005 D)

As can be seen in the above example, there is switching here back and forth between English and Urdu. An Urdu clause is embedded in English and English is taken up again.

In the following example, an Urdu conjunction “leykin” (but) is inserted in the English sentence. The reason for the use of Urdu conjunction in Pakistani English is directionality of code-switching, because most of the times, switched Urdu clauses follow the English main clause. This Urdu conjunction has a pragmatic effect as a discourse marker in drawing attention to the utterance.

We reached there in time, lakin no body was there to receive us. (Spoken English)

In Nortier’s Moroccan Arabic/Dutch code-switching data (1990), the Arabic conjunction “walikan” (but) is also most frequent and is the one that conjoins two clauses that are both in another language. Taking a discourse marker from another language has a pragmatic effect on the whole utterance.

Another interesting feature of Pakistani English that has been found as a result of Urdu-English code-switching is the use of an independent Urdu clause or sentence with English in written as well as spoken English. Here are three examples where Urdu clauses are syntactically independent; however, they share a semantic relationship with each other:

Very soon, I will be a big star in Bollywood, main naumeed nahin hougni. (I will not be disappointed) (July 16, 2006 D)
He is set to release some very interesting films, which he describes as happy-go-lucky movies, aaj kal happy fims ka zamana hai. (Now-a-days people like happy movies) (December 11, 2005 D)
I cannot make new friends. Main buri, mairai dausti burai. (I am bad, friendship with me is bad) That’s all (March 25, 2007 D)

Subordinated clauses:

Urdu subordinated clauses are also used in Pakistani English, which is a very important aspect of inter-sentential code-switching. The subordinating conjunction is not always in the language of the clause that it introduces. Both Urdu and English subordinating conjunctions are used to join main and subordinated clauses. We can classify this section to two main broad categories:

Urdu subordinate clauses with an English main clause
English subordinate clauses with a Urdu main clause

Firstly, we will look at the occurrence of the Urdu subordinate clauses with an English main clause.

Urdu subordinate clauses with an English main clause:

Different Urdu subordinate clauses are embedded in the English sentences in Pakistani English. The following two kinds of Urdu subordinate clauses have been found in Pakistani English:

The noun clause

The adverb clause

Noun clause:

The data exemplified in this section will show that a noun clause is a subordinate clause that does the work of a noun in a complex sentence. It can be used in Pakistani English as:
The subject of a verb
The complement of a verb
The object of a preposition

In the following example, the switched Urdu noun clause has been used as the subject of an English verb:

Sub kutch chalet hai is their dictum. (June 12, 2005 D)
‘All is right’ is their dictum.

Most of the times, a switched noun clause acts as a complement of an English verb. Here are some examples:
To underline the point he added is main science ki koi baat nahin hai. (December 25, 2005 D)

To underline the point he added there is nothing scientific in this.


He got all mixed up and asked acha aap begum commondo hai. (October 30, 2005 D)
He got all mixed up and asked well. You are Mrs. Commando.
I get looks from them all and a couple said aap aagay aa jain. (October 09, 2006 D)
I get looks from them all and a couple said you come in front please.
She couldn’t resist the bohat aachi movie hai. (May 29, 2005 D)
She couldn’t resist it’s the very best movie.

In the examples below, the switched Urdu clause has been used as an object of an English preposition.

No one at the CCB was willing to say anything except that is ka order ooper se aya hai. (May 07, 2006 D)
No one at the CCB was willing to say anything except that we have orders from our seniors.
As they turned to me, I shrugged my shoulder with a ‘Bhai dekh lo, I am not carrying you purse’ (November 2006 H)
As they turned to me, I shrugged my shoulder with a brother you can see; I am not carrying you purse.

Sometimes, it’s very interesting to note the use of an Urdu noun clause as a complement of a verb of incomplete predication.

The whole thing is that key bhaiya sab se bada rupaiya. (February 12, 2006 D)
The whole thing is that bother, money is all.

Adverb clause:

As we have seen through the above examples that the noun clause acts as a noun in complex sentences, in the same way the function of an adverb clause is that of an adverb in complex sentences. In the following example, an Urdu adverb conditional clause has been embedded in the English sentence. However, the Urdu subordinate clause precedes the English main clause. The subordinating conjunction is in Urdu, whereas the clause that follows it is in English:

Aap ko kissi cheez sey strings ketney hoon, to its best to run from it. (June 26, 2005 D)
If you want to cut the cord off, then its best to run from it.


English subordinate clauses with Urdu main clause:

In some cases, English clause is subordinate to an Urdu main clause. In the following example the English noun clause is joined with the Urdu main clause through the English subordinating conjunction “that”.

Mujhe shikayat hai that we are not making history. (July 31, 2005 D)
I have a complaint that we are not making history.

In the example below, the English conditional clause is subordinate to the Urdu main clause. In this example, the English subordinate clause precedes the Urdu main clause:

The police asked both of us to settle things between ourselves. Because if it becomes court case, then mamla lamba ho jaiga. (February 19, 2006 D)
The police asked both of us to settle things between ourselves. Because if it becomes a court case, then it will be a lengthy process.

Repetitions and other switches
Sometimes, Urdu phrases or clauses are used just as the repetition of an English phrase or clause. The purpose of this type of switching is to give emphasis. However, in spoken it is used to address different audiences.

Take care, apna bahut khayal rakhiya ga. (December 18, 2005 D)
They shouted for his execution. Zen ko phansy do. (October 02, 2005 D)
Feroz was very drunk. Usko chad gayi thi. (May 07, 2006 D)
He thought that Geeta Bali was the daughter of a certain Dr. Bali,a dentist in Aligarh, who was shocked when one day, Sikandar asked him: Aap ki sahabzadi kaisi hain? (How’s your daughter?) (November 2006 H)

In some cases, Urdu clauses are used to quote maxim and proverb or some other person in Pakistani English. Here are some examples:

My unbending procrastination is one thing that repels the beauty of the world but they say ‘sabar ka phal meetha’ (patience has its reward) (January 22, 2006 D)
Talk about ‘lakkar hazam, pathar hazam’ (very powerful and digestive stomach), they deserve a batter deal, if only for their patience in eating such swill day after day. (October 2006 M)
He gave the example of the phrase “auratein bhot bolteen hain” (females are very talkative). (August 07, 2005 D)
She was very touched and impressed, especially when the waiter uttered these words ‘baaji, mehman sey paisay nahin letay (sister, we don’t charges from guests)’. (July 17, 2005 D)
She opened the Q and A session by saying ‘aab court aap ki ball main hai’ (Now all depends on you). (May 29,2005 D)





Conclusion

The data and examples presented in this paper demonstrate that code-switching affects Pakistani English at the phrase and clause level and Pakistani English has its unique features. This paper has shown the variations in English syntax when it is used in a non-native context i.e. Pakistan. This paper shows that in code-switching many traces of native language can be observed on the foreign language. The grammatical usage of Urdu language on English is visible here in the above mentioned examples. Some linguists are of the opinion that there is no language that has not been under influence of another language. English is no exception in this regard. Several changes are taking place in the English language. Isolated languages are rarely met in the global village. Bilingualism or multilingualism is a characteristic feature of modern society. According to Wardhaugh (1998: 100)
‘Command of only a single variety of language, whether it be a dialect, style or register, would appear to be an extremely rare phenomenon, one likely to occasion comment. Most speakers command several varieties of the language they speak, and bilingualism, even multilingualism, is the norm for many people throughout the world rather than unilingualism’.


Note: I would like to thank Professor Dr. Mubina Talaat for her valuable
comments on my paper.




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Wardhaugh, Ronald (1998) An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (third edition).
Oxford: Blackwell.
17





Pakistani English: A Socialinguistic Variety
Pakistani English: A Socialinguistic Variety
Dr. Mubina Talaat*
Abstract
In this paper, it has been explained on the basis of results obtained
from an investigation held in Britain, how Pakistani English has
diverged from Standard English, unnoticed by its speakers. The
analysis and discussion are based on a qualitative research method,
but quantitative data has been provided for confirmation of
tentative results obtained from in-depth analysis of a text. The
tentative results of analysis lead to developing an argument about
how it is viewed by the Western reader, and how it should be
regarded by its users as a variety in its own right. It should not
carry any stigma because it is used creatively in the social context
of Pakistan. This context is distinctly ‘bilingual’ and therefore it
should not be compared to the norms of monolingual use.
Introduction
There is a great diversity in Pakistani English (PE). It is not any one thing. It has
many sub-varieties in it. It is not possible even to talk about all aspects of any one
given sub-variety. There are too many issues involved and too little research on this
topic. In this paper, then, the sub-variety chosen for study is closest to standard
English (SE) though not exactly like it. The sub-varieties at a greater distance from the
native speakers’ English are relatively easy to identify. But the sub-varieties close to
SE need to be identified carefully.
In order to do this, only one text has been selected for in-depth analysis. The discussion
starts in the following section 1.1 with a brief note on the selection of ‘text’ for data and
the procedure of analysis based on qualitative research methodology (Hakim:1987).
Text and Analysis
The aim of the study is to explore the sociolinguistic differences in those texts
that do not appear considerably different from SE on the level of grammar and
vocabulary – to bilingual speakers themselves. It is not a study of already specified
linguistic features of grammar or vocabulary. This is an explorative enquiry into what is
Pakistani English, seen from the point of native speakers. Hence it is based on a
comparison of responses of two groups of informants, on Pakistani, the other British,
to a text which has been carefully chosen. The text and method of study are described
in detail.
The text analysed here was selected carefully over a period of time by showing it
Associate Professor, Department of English, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan.
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Journal of Research (Faculty of Languages & Islamic Studies) 2003 Vol.4
to 70 Pakistani teachers of English along with two other texts. They were shown 3 texts
and asked to select only one which they thought was closest to SE, or farthest from it.
The same procedure was repeated among a group of British English (BE) speakers at
the university of Essex, Colchester. There was no difference in the opinion of these
two groups about which text was closest to (or farthest from) SE. Still, Political Upstarts,
the text thus selected, elicited notably different responses from these two groups. In
order to pinpoint the linguistic categories which sparked off differences of opinion, the
text was ‘re-written’ – partially, by a native speaker of BE on request. This re-written or
‘amended’ version of the text was then shown to a number of competent users of
Pakistani English. A controversy then ensued, and this generated a lot of discussion
on the nature of differences in the use of English in this particular text.
It should also be mentioned that the text has been taken from a newspaper. So it
is a piece of public discourse. However, it appeared in a column that invites personal
comments on some social or political problem of the country. In this piece the writer has
expressed his personal views (or better, sentiments) on a political topic. Hence it stands
mid-way between a public discourse and a personal discourse. That the text lies close
to SE on the ‘cline of bilingualism’ (Kachru:1982) will become obvious from a
comparison with other texts given for this purpose (Appendix-I). It neither shows any
major syntactical deviation of the nature found in Mobs Attack, nor lexical divergences
of the kind found in Rising Prices (Appendix-I). The text was discussed first with
several groups of Pakistani readers and then with native speakers of BE. The analysis
is based on a comparison of their views. The rationale for this kind of approach to
individual text analysis is given below.
Rationale for Analysis
The analysis of the text is carried out according to the principles of qualitative
research methodology for the following reasons. Pakistani English is not a ready made
variety of English. It is a variety still in the making and should be approached as a
process (of contact) rather than as a finished product, at least at the initial stages of
enquiry. Such an approach requires the possibility of an explorative, in-depth study
(see Talaat:1988, Talaat: 2002 for detail), without any a priori hypothesis. An explorative
analysis of language can be carried out in individual texts only. In this way it becomes
possible to draw some tentative conclusions at first. These tentative conclusions may
provide guidelines for collecting further evidence in the form of quantitative data,
wherever possible.
The explorative analysis consists in eliciting the response of a number of BE
speakers to the text to compare it with perceptions of Pakistani users of English.
However, in order to specify the reaction of the native speakers it was considered
essential to ask a native speaker to re-write it – completely or partially – to transform it
to some ‘native’ version of English. This re-written text made it possible to discuss the
response of native speakers with Pakistani bilinguals and ask for their views on it.
This difference of ‘response’ among the native speakers and the non-native
19
Pakistani English: A Socialinguistic Variety
speakers is discussed in the following sections. First, an account of the reactions of
the native speakers of standard British English is given in section 1.2.
Native Speakers’ Views
The following text was given to the students of postgraduate classes in Linguistics,
at the University of Essex, Colchester, England.
Political Upstarts
Some people are always a disgrace to whatever office they hold. And we have
plenty of them amongst us, humph! I wonder what great sin this nation has
committed that it has, more often than not, been made to endure the curse of
mediocrity. Or how else would you explain the plutocracy thrusted upon us by
these political upstarts.
One such would-be gentleman, whose permanent abode is vulgarity, continues
to grow in his office though he refuses to grow in stature. In case you are in a
quandary as to what bird you make of this reference, he is the past, the present,
and the future chief of the Pakistan Mediocrity League. Yes, right you are.
After vulgarizing many ministries he now has a new role. Are not we our own best
enemy? Hazrat Ali was once asked why internal strifes which marked his rule has
not surfaced during the period of his predecessors. “It all depends on the quality
of advice one receives from one’s companions”, pat came the answer.
Strange is the dynamics of our polity which throws up pigmies into the political
arena who then acquire an exaggerated sense of their importance and ability. The
people of this land may be untutored they can still tell a politician from a political
beast. It was a wonderful morning until I read the distasteful elevation of this
person. Oh God, save us from the reign of mediocrity.
The native speakers of BE were flustered by two things in the text:
Moral tone
Ornamental or ‘frilly flowery ‘ English
These remark may appear to be general and non-specific at first. But the rewritten
version of the text has helped in making these responses specific. The immediate
reaction of the native speakers of British English (BE) relates to the ‘style features’ of
the text, reflected in the use of certain words as the following:
humph!
pigmy
abode
Some expressions were simply disliked. For example:
vulgarizing of ministries
would be gentleman
distasteful elevation
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Journal of Research (Faculty of Languages & Islamic Studies) 2003 Vol.4
pat came the answer
These opinions were expressed at first through random comments of several BE
speaking informants. But later on a consensus emerged gradually. A general description
of the differences as perceived by the majority of informants is given below.
All native speakers of BE considered the use of ‘humph’ unacceptable. ‘It has
turned the text into an ‘ancient’ piece of writing’, commented one BE speaker. Some
students at the University of Essex also added pigmies and abode to the list but not all
BE speakers agreed. Those above the age of 20, and people more engaged in the
reading of literature said that these items were literary words. The use of ‘pigmy’ has
now acquired certain negative connotations in the political register of BE, of which
Pakistani users are not aware.
The view that the text is written in ‘frilly, flowery’ English emerged repeatedly
though, during discussions of various words and phrases. The word order in the
clause ‘Strange is the dynamics of our polity’ (instead of ‘The dynamics of our polity
is strange’) was identified as being ‘rhetorical’ or even ‘theatrical’ by some speakers of
BE. The sentence beginning with ‘what great sin this nation has committed….’ had a
‘moral overtone’, and the next one that starts with ‘In case you are in a quandary as to
what bird…’ was found to be ‘a quandary indeed!’. The latter was considered to be
conveying a sense of arrogance and moral superiority. The exclamatory remark ‘Oh
God’ turned out to be a cultural item as the BE speakers found it ‘odd’.
The use of thrusted for ‘thrust’ and strifes for ‘strife’ were merely pointed out by
one or two people without any ‘strong’ reaction attached to them. None suggested any
change in the expression ‘best enemy’ (instead of ‘worst enemy’). The word pat in ‘pat
came the answer’ was removed from the text with a simple ‘why?’ Only one BE speaker
noticed that ‘Are not we’ should have been ‘Are we not’ in order of arrangement. The
expressions distasteful elevation and vulgarising of ministries were not much approved
by the majority of informants who speak BE. The sentence ‘he is the present, the past
and the future chief …’ was pronounced to be unEnglish in construction. The ‘catalogue’
like ‘the present, past and future’ elicited a unanimous disapproval from speakers of
BE.
The final comment was made on the element of ambiguity caused in paragraph
No.3, in which ‘the would-be gentleman’ who has ‘vulgarised the ministries’ is never
clearly identified. The sentence ‘…he is the present, the past and future chief of the
Mediocrity League’ is followed a remark that affirms ‘Yes you are right’. British English
speakers, understandably, could not decode the reference. To most British informants
this appeared ambiguous. But this is a ‘context-dependent’ reference. Pakistani readers
understand that PML is a reference to Pakistan Muslim League, and its leader is the
person under attack in this piece of satire.
These views of the British English speakers were communicated to Pakistani
users of English in various workshops of English Language Teaching. It generated a
reaction of shock and surprise. In the following section 1.3, the reaction of Pakistani
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Pakistani English: A Socialinguistic Variety
users of English is described in detail.
1.3. Views of the Pakistani Users
All Pakistani informants who had been constantly consulted ever since the present
investigation began – at first independently of the British group of informants and
latter, to discuss the British informants’ reaction to the text, viewed the text in a different
light. They were unanimous in rating the text as ‘good English’. Though the use of
‘humph,’ was conceded to be old, it was also described as rare occurrence. As for the
use of strifes for ‘strife’ and the past form thrusted for ‘thrust’ is concerned, Pakistani
users were less inclined to look upon them as aberrations than to view them a sign of
the writer’s confidence to take a few liberties with language, under ‘a creative urge’.
Nobody desired any change in these. The majority of Pakistani informants expressed
views which are summarised below.
The Pakistani users openly expressed the view that if the text does not show any
divergence from the rule of grammar as stated in the grammar books consulted and
recommended in the syllabi of English, reactions like ‘old, verbose, wordy and longwinded’
ought to be treated a matter of opinion. Such opinions do not have a ‘genuine’
linguistic ground. As for words and phrases, if grammar books and dictionaries do not
provide a clear statement about how a word can be used, or what words can/not be
combined to form a phrase, words will be combined to form ‘odd combinations’. And
since misapplication of rules cannot be prevented altogether in the case of foreign
language speakers, thrusted or strifes cannot be regarded as serious aberrations in a
text that does not show any major grammatical deviation from the norm. This is probably
a signal that pedagogical perspective would be a relevant perspective in the discussion
of PE.
Similarly, expressions such as ‘distasteful elevation’ or ‘vulgarising the ministries’
and ‘pat came the answer’ were strongly defended as an example of creative use of
English, which showed the confidence of the user and a greater concern for meanings
than for correct words. These expressions create meanings that are comprehensible for
everyone. If anything, they are more interesting for Pakistani bilinguals for ‘blending’
English with Urdu (or other native languages). Similar views have also been expressed
by other researchers on a competent use of non-native varieties of English (Bokamba:
1982, Bamgbose:1982, Kachru:1982, Kirk-Green:1971, Sey:1973), where blending
languages is considered to be a norm.
Hence, if a catalogue of words such as ‘the present, the past and the future
chief…’ strikes as unfamiliar to the English ear, it serves to make the statement more
emphatic for Pakistani bilinguals, as they will understand it with reference to a ‘fused
grammar’ (Gorlach: 1994) of bilinguals. Similarly if anyone should ask, why pat should
be used in ‘pat came the answer,’ it is another example of a ‘blended’ expression.
It will not be out of place to mention that SE expressions like ‘pat answer’ or ‘pat
remark,’(meaning a ‘well prepared answer’) are frequently used in code-mixed speech.
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Journal of Research (Faculty of Languages & Islamic Studies) 2003 Vol.4
In Urdu too, there is a phrase /jhat pat jawab deyna/ which means ‘to give instant
answer’. Often, jhat is removed from the Urdu collocation and we are left with:
pat sey jawab dia or
fat sey jawab dia
In pat came the answer, both meanings of the word pat are blended through a slight
variation in the word order. For example, it could be:
‘…..came the pat answer’. [SE]
Instead it says:
….pat came the answer’ [PE]
And for Pakistani bilinguals, in this order of words, ‘pat’ not only means ‘a
spontaneous response’ but also ‘instantly came the answer’. Inventions of this kind
are quite widespread in PE (see Appendix-II).
The SE-Version written with the help of one BE speaker was completely rejected
by the Pakistani informants as ‘a distortion’ of the original text. The changes made are
highlighted with the help of italics.
Political Upstart
Some people are always a disgrace to whatever office they hold. And we have
plenty of them amongst us, humph! I wonder what great sin this nation has
committed that it has been cursed with being an inferior land. Or how else would
you explain why power is in the hands of the wealthy?
One such person who is extremely rude and offensive, continues to grow in his
office though he refuses to grow in stature. In case you are in a quandary as to
what bird you make of this reference, he is the past, was the present, and will be
the future chief of the Pakistan Mediocrity League. Yes, right you are.
After humiliating many ministries he now has a new role. Are not we our own
best enemy? Hazrat Ali was once asked why internal conflicts which marked his
rule had not surfaced during the period of his predecessors. “It all depends on
the quality of advice one receives from one’s companions” was the reply.
Pakistani politics is such a strange force that it brings in completely bizarre and
odd people who then acquire an exaggerated sense of their importance and ability.
The people of this land may be uneducated they can still tell a politician from a
political beast. It had started off as a wonderful morning until I read the news of
this person’s elevation. Dear Lord, save this country from the reign of mediocrity.
(SE version)
The Pakistani informants invariably expressed the opinion that the ‘force’ of the
piece was considerably reduced by the changes that have been made in this text. It no
longer conveyed the same ‘heard-hitting’ message as the original text. The changes
made in this text were rejected by the majority of Pakistani informants. The reasons for
rejection are summarized in the following section 1.4.
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Pakistani English: A Socialinguistic Variety
1.4. Why Difference?
Some reasons for the rejection of native English version of the text are more
obvious than the others. For example, an obvious reason for such a forceful rejection
of the native speakers’ version is that it broke the internal semantic unity of the text.
Anyone can see that the original text is developed around two ideas, which are intimately
connected:
reign of mediocrity
vulgarity….. vulgarizing of ministries
In the context of the text, ‘vulgarising’ is connected with ‘mediocrity’. ‘Vulgarity’
is spread by a ‘would-be gentleman’ who ‘lives in an abode of vulgarity’ and is the
“Chief of Pakistan Mediocrity League”. The use of ‘pigmies’ is connected with
‘mediocrity’ which justifies the reference to ‘stature’ in the comment - ‘…refuses to
grow in stature’ while he continues to grow in his ‘office’. On top of it all, the text makes
a hidden reference to the Pakistan Muslim League, through a play upon the word
‘Mediocrity League’
Now the changes made in the SE-Version break the inherent semantic unity of the
text, built through a series of word images. These images enrich each other. The original
text also refers to the unnamed politician as ‘would-be gentleman’ which means ‘not a
gentleman yet’. In the SE-Version, one such person neutralizes the negative qualities of
the political figure described. The changes made in the SE-Version ‘weaken’ the power
of the entire text which lies in the inter-connected of ‘mediocrity’ and ‘vulgarity’.
Quite clearly, the vocabulary is replaced in the SE-version, in conformity to the
native speakers’ ideas of ‘correct’ ‘modern’ and ‘polite’ expression. Consequently –
‘curse of mediocrity’ becomes ‘cursed with being an inferior land’
‘plutocracy’ becomes ‘power is in the hand of the wealthy’
‘would-be gentleman’ is turned into ‘extremely rude and offensive’
‘you are in a quandary’ becomes ‘still uncertain’
‘vulgarizing many ministries’ is ‘humiliating ministries’
internal strifes becomes ‘conflicts’
‘Strange is the dynamics of our polity’ is ‘Pakistani politics is such a strange
force’
‘pigmies’ becomes ‘bizarre and odd people’
‘untutored’ is ‘uneducated’
‘ distasteful elevation’ is reduced to ‘this person’s elevation’
And finally there are the following corrections of expression:
…he is the past, the present, and the future chief of the Pakistan Mediocrity
League …he is the past, was the present, and will be the future chief ….
It was a wonderful morning until I read the distasteful elevation of this person.
It had started off as a wonderful morning until I read…
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Journal of Research (Faculty of Languages & Islamic Studies) 2003 Vol.4
These corrections, many Pakistani informants found unnecessary.
All corrections, except the last two, are either inspired by the British notion of
‘politically correct’ language or by notions of ‘politeness’. As a consequence of it, the
word mediocrity is so diligently avoided that it is replaced with ‘we are cursed with an
inferior land’ !!! This text represents the most fundamental differences between British
society and Pakistani society, which arise for the following reasons.
In Britain, a political satire is not directed at a civil or military dictator. In Pakistan,
it aims at hitting tyrannical rulers and military dictators. Consequently, open and direct
condemnation is rare and a sign of courage and grit. The word ‘pigmy’ or ‘mediocrity’
is not directed at ‘race’ as has been the case in BE. For the Pakistanis it has no ‘racial’
connotations. One must not forget, then, that Political Upstart is a political satire and it
aims at criticizing a political figure unambiguously. The presumption indeed is that the
elected representatives, turning easily into dictators and not fulfilling the wishes of the
people do lack imagination and must be criticized. A representative political figure who
does not come up with imaginative solutions to the problems of his nation must be
condemned as ‘mediocrity’. A direct, forceful statement in the teeth of such opposition
is a sign of vigour. But also a sense of desperation created by the futility of any protest
provides a powerful incentive for invective for abuse. Or else how is one to deal with
one’s rage?
Under these circumstances, the idea of ‘politically correct’ language (in essence
a product of democratic feelings represented in politics) cannot flourish. In Western
societies, the language of media may have to adjust itself to the ‘revised social norms’
of public discourse off and on. It is also true that the British (and Western) concept of
‘politically correct language’ in some specific areas is not relevant to the situation in
Pakistan. Our political context and ideals are different from Western societies.
Then, as already said in section 1.3, some of the references in this text are context
dependent too. None of the Pakistani informants thought that the text was ambiguous,
because everyone knew who the ‘would-be gentleman’ in this piece of satire was. It is
clear to all Pakistanis that Pakistan Mediocrity League is a reference to the Pakistan
Muslim League. No wonder that speakers of BE have appeared to Pakistani users of
English as over-reacting to the use of ‘normal words and expression.’ Certain items are
context-dependent and the users of BE are not familiar with the whole context of Pakistani
situation.
In this text the least suspected item for criticism, among Pakistanis, was the use of
‘Oh God’. This created quite a sensation among all the Pakistani informants. The surprise
sprung from the fact ‘even such items’ too have been mentioned in the use of ‘language’.
The general reaction was: “How can one stop calling upon God or Lord merely because
it is not popular among the middle class BE speakers”.
The BE speakers insisted that their reactions sprang from the ‘nature of the
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Pakistani English: A Socialinguistic Variety
language used’. They referred to some words, collocations and phrases. But the Pakistani
informants insisted that the response of BE speakers was based on purely ‘cultural
differences’ and had no genuine ‘linguistic’ ground. The genuine linguistic response is
‘grammatical divergence’ or misuse of words.
Now, the response of each group may have some justification. Since this text has
drawn upon literary vocabulary like abode, quandary, pigmies which the young British
students thought ‘old’ and the middle aged informants ‘formal,’ the dependence of PE
on the written sources is clearly indicated in it. But even within the speakers of SE, the
response of the well-read, educated and relatively mature readers varied considerably
from one feature to the other. The older generation (plus forty) did not object so much
to vocabulary (pigmy, abode, quandary) as to certain ‘comments’ which were not
palatable to their taste (calling upon God, ‘distasteful elevation’ etc). There were,
however, a few who did express some delight over the use of expressions like ‘lives an
abode of vulgarity’ and critical remarks like ‘ refuses to grow in stature even if continues
to grow in office.’ This later remark, as pointed out earlier was considered to be, by a
majority of (younger group of) informants, a statement loaded with ‘moral judgement.’
Most Western speakers of English associate the use of old words with conservative
values (or social system), which is again a controversial point.
The Pakistani group of informants saw this text as a creative use of English.
When it was pointed out to them that some of its vocabulary was considered to be old,
and morally loaded, many shrugged their shoulders, to brush aside these judgments.
This is understandable too. The Pakistani users are more familiar with old vocabulary
because of their contact with written forms of English (classical literature and legal
English) in the absence of contact with spoken varieties. However, the reason why the
informants thought that the text was creative was on account of the combinations
made out of, say, even old words. So it is not just old words, but the inventiveness of
‘abode of vulgarity’ ‘one would-be gentleman’ of ‘vulgarising of ministries’ that most
Pakistani informants relished. They appreciated the ‘new combinations’ and ‘subtle
variations’ or twists which blended English with subtle shades of meaning from Urdu
(L1). The blending is considered to be a creative feature of the text by Pakistani users.
This is the point where the use of English is apparently entangled in a skein of attitudinal
differences.
It is clear, for example, that:
Pakistani users of English judge their own performance of English against a
‘norm’ of English language use which allows them flexibility not only on the
levels of phonology and lexis but also on ‘finer’ levels of grammar.
Pakistani users of English have demonstrated in practical terms, through
rejection of revised BE text, their half- conscious belief that English in
Pakistan has its own pragmatics since the socio-cultural norms and religiopolitical
contexts are different.
So finally the question arises: Is this text an isolated phenomenon or are there
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Journal of Research (Faculty of Languages & Islamic Studies) 2003 Vol.4
more like it? If yes, do they help us to identify a sub-variety in Pakistani English? The
texts given in Appendix-II will make it clear that the use of old words in new combinations
is a feature of many Pakistani texts. In the context of Pakistan, it is irrelevant how the
Western readers regard such English. Their views become relevant only for the minority
who may visit Western countries at some later stage in life. It is sufficient to remember
for Pakistani users of English that a variety of texts taken together reveal an underlying
similarity in the habit of use. This is the use of all the available resources of our bi- or
multilingual codes to create new combinations, for successful communication. In the
following section we shall look at the contours of the text that may help us to identify
a sub-variety in PE.
1.5 Socio-linguistic Contours of Pakistani English
The discussion of Political Upstarts in the fore-gone section 1.2 has shown that
the Western readers of PE think that the vocabulary of the text is relatively outdated.
This is not however the only variety in which old words and expressions have been